Change log

Our October 20 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Ohio governor race from Toss-up to Lean D, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

Our October 20 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Kansas’s 2nd district race from Solid R to Likely R, Minnesota Senate race from Likely D to Lean D, Mississippi Senate race from Solid R to Likely R, New Jersey’s 2nd district race from Solid R to Likely R, Nevada’s 2nd district race from Likely R to Lean R, New York’s 21st district race from Likely R to Lean R, South Carolina Senate race from Likely R to Lean R and Texas’s 35th district race from Lean R to Toss-up, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

Our October 19 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Arizona’s 2nd district race from Likely R to Lean R, Florida’s 11th district race from Likely R to Solid R, New Jersey’s 2nd district race from Likely R to Solid R and Texas’s 35th district race from Toss-up to Lean R, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

Under each profile’s money chart, a note gives the outside spending (ads and other independent expenditures backing the member), which is in their total but was not given to their campaign. The note said this spending was by “United Democracy Project and other super PACs” for everyone. On 41 of the 52 profiles with such spending, United Democracy Project spent nothing; the spending was DMFI PAC’s or the Pro-Israel America Action Fund’s. The note now names the committees that actually spent for each person, from their FEC filings. No dollar figure changed.

Member profiles now show where the member ranks among Democrats in Congress by backing from the pro-Israel PACs we track (or how many have $0), with their backing as bars by source. The November page shows the House and Senate as bars: before results, the seats by the forecasters’ average rating; from the first call, the seats won. We also fixed the profile’s large total, which was too faint in dark mode, a table that was wider than a phone screen on Mary Peltola’s page, and the seat bars’ dark-mode colours, and added a written legend under each bar.

A new page lists the 2026 candidates endorsed by national DSA or a DSA chapter, each with a source, and their backing from the pro-Israel PACs we track. The November page marks them and can show only their races. This is a record of endorsements, not ours.

Each Democratic nominee for the Senate in 2026 who is not already a member of Congress now has a profile, linked from the November page, with the backing their campaign committees received from the tracked PACs and every FEC line behind it. Where super PACs partly funded by United Democracy Project spent for or against them, that is shown separately with UDP’s share, and never added to their figure.

Our October 18 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Michigan’s 7th district race from Toss-up to Lean D, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

We had counted one $84,326 independent expenditure by United Democracy Project, dated June 11, 2024, as support for George Latimer, reading it from the pattern of UDP’s other weekly lines, although UDP reported it as opposing him. UDP’s own 24-hour notice for that week (FEC filing 1788748) also reports it as opposing him, so we now follow the filings: it is no longer counted in his backing and is listed as spending against him. His total from the tracked PACs is now $8,537,749, of which $4,643,837 from UDP.

The About and Methodology pages said no donor names are published anywhere. They now give the one exception: the Billionaires page names 40 Forbes-listed billionaires, with totals only. The Other issues page counted Gov. Mikie Sherrill among the members who co-sponsor a stock-trading ban; it now counts members of Congress only (149, not 150). The Billionaires page description no longer says Elon Musk “first” (he ranks sixth by total), and its 2026 note now gives the date the money runs to. Mai Vang’s card on the 2026 primaries page now says she says she rejects corporate PAC money, instead of stating it as our finding.

Profiles no longer call the split between earmarked and direct AIPAC PAC money approximate: it follows how AIPAC PAC’s own reports label each contribution, rounded to whole dollars like every figure. In money_ledger.csv, 55 lines credited under a different candidate ID than the one filed now say “filed under <ID>” in the adjustment column. No total changed.

The November 2026 page now explains the “$ backing” and “$0 backing” tags above the races, lists the newest outside-spending notices after the states, shows the state list as one swipeable row on phones, and a jump to a state no longer hides its name under the header.

Our October 16 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Alabama’s 2nd district race from Likely R to Lean R, Minnesota’s 1st district race from Likely R to Lean R and New York’s 19th district race from Likely D to Solid D, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

Our October 14 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Kansas Senate race from Lean R to Toss-up and New Hampshire Senate race from Lean D to Likely D, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

The November page now lists independent spending the tracked PACs reported in 24- and 48-hour notices since their last full FEC report (through Aug 31, 2026), each line linked to its FEC filing, and notes it on the race it was spent in. These lines are not yet in our totals: they are counted once each PAC files its next full report, which can correct a date or amount (ADR-0046). On election night each race on that page will show its result from AP or an official results page, with “too close” until a race is called. No figure changed.

After a ZIP lookup the site now offers next steps: your representative’s profile, your state page, the November ballot, and a share button. On the November page, members of Congress show their tracked-PAC backing (“$0 backing” where the tracked PACs gave nothing), with a link to the AIPAC-backed list at the top; the list, scorecard and Who’s not pages end with a short “Keep going” band. The site now counts a few anonymous actions (lookups, clicks, shares), never a ZIP code, address or anything typed (ADR-0044). No figure changed.

A small rose badge now marks candidates endorsed by Democratic Socialists of America or a local DSA chapter in the 2024 or 2026 cycle, wherever they appear, with a link to each endorsement. It reports who endorsed whom; it is not this site’s endorsement and doesn’t change which candidates get Donate buttons. No figure changed.

Our October 14 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Oklahoma governor race from Solid R to Likely R and Vermont governor race from Solid R to Likely R, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating label changed.

Grand Canyon State Caucus filed some gifts as “Conduit contribution to” a campaign, paid to AIPAC PAC, with no candidate ID. When AIPAC PAC never reported passing a gift on, it was counted for nobody. They are now counted once, for the campaign named on the line (ADR-0038). Added: Ruben Gallego +$5,000 (2024); Sarah Elfreth +$1,000 (2024); Haley Stevens +$5,000 (a $3,000 June 2026 gift is netted against the PAC’s own $3,000 refund line); Dan Goldman +$2,000 (a $3,000 June gift less a $1,000 refund the PAC filed); Angie Craig and Chris Pappas +$1,000 each; and 2026 candidates Adrian Boafo +$3,000 and Donna Miller, Tahesha Way, Laura Fine and Melissa Hernandez +$1,000 each. Goldman’s own report also shows $3,000 from the PAC on April 29, 2026 that the PAC’s reports do not contain; it is not counted until the PAC files it. The FEC cross-check now fails on any such line it cannot place.

Race ratings re-read Oct 13, 2026. Each forecaster’s rating is now also read from Wikipedia’s ratings overview tables (House, Senate, governor), so the Economist, Split Ticket and Silver Bulletin appear for about 100 more House races, and stale ratings (the Economist’s from May among them) are corrected (ADR-0039). 28 House averages changed: AL-2 Lean R to Likely R, AZ-8 Solid R to Likely R, CA-6 Likely D to Solid D, CA-13 and CA-48 Lean D to Likely D, CO-8 Toss-up to Lean D, FL-2 and FL-4 Solid R to Likely R, FL-12 Likely R to Solid R, FL-13 Likely R to Lean R, IN-1 Likely D to Solid D, MN-2 Likely D to Solid D, NC-9 Solid R to Likely R, NE-1 Solid R to Likely R, NH-1 Lean D to Likely D, NH-2 Likely D to Solid D, NJ-2 Solid R to Likely R, NJ-9 Likely D to Solid D, NM-2 Lean D to Likely D, NY-3 and NY-4 Lean D to Likely D, OH-1 Lean D to Likely D, OH-9 Toss-up to Lean D, OH-13 Likely D to Solid D, SC-1 Likely R to Lean R, TX-23 Likely R to Lean R, TX-35 Lean R to Toss-up, WI-3 Toss-up to Lean D. Senate and governor labels did not change.

The billionaires page said it never showed a single gift, but a recipient’s total can be one gift, and its links went to the FEC’s list of each person’s gifts. Now: recipients link to the committee’s own FEC page; recipients under $10,000 are grouped as “other recipients”; committee names are shown in readable case, with the committee ID where two share a name; the page says a total can be a single gift and that gifts filed under trusts and partnerships are not counted (for example $20.5M to RBG PAC filed under “Elon Musk Revocable Trust”), so every figure is a minimum; Musk’s net worth is shown as $1.007 trillion (Forbes real-time, Oct. 12, 2026) and $908B (Forbes 400, Sept. 15, 2026), each dated; two claims without a source on the page were removed; “the 40 who gave the most” now says among the 61 we pulled in full (ADR-0037). No total changed.

On tax returns, five rows (Newsom, Sherrill, Amo, Suozzi, Lamont) said “Figures from a news report on the return” although no figure was shown; they now say no figures are entered and link the report. About and methodology said the whole site is refreshed monthly: money data is refreshed about monthly, and corrections, new pages and updates to votes, race ratings and results go out in between, dated in this log. About said a governor “appears only if” backed during an earlier run for Congress although all 24 governors are listed; it now says a governor shows an amount only then. The share title of the landing page that asks whether your representative is backed by AIPAC now says “backed”. The footer’s “updated” date is now the date of each release (ADR-0041).

On Oct 12, page titles across the site were rewritten in the words people search for; this entry was missing from the log. No figure changed.

Dark mode colors now meet contrast standards on every page; more pages read fully without JavaScript; the site’s automatic checks now verify the dollar figures in every page’s search and share text, the billionaires page rules, rating averages and vote shares. No figure changed.

A new page, Billionaires (in the Beyond AIPAC menu), shows where the 40 billionaires who gave the most to federal campaigns in the 2024 and 2026 cycles put their money from 2016 to 2026: by party side, by kind of recipient (super PACs, candidates, parties) and by election cycle, with Elon Musk, the first person Forbes values at more than $1 trillion, first. It also shows what they gave to AIPAC’s super PAC and the other pro-Israel PACs this site tracks. The figures are their gifts in their own names in the FEC’s records, and each one links to the FEC. Billionaires’ wealth gives them far more say in elections than any voter has, so this is the one page on the site that names individual donors; it shows totals only. No other figure changed.

The November page now has a “Find your ballot” box: enter your ZIP code and it opens your state and highlights your House race (or every district a ZIP is split between). In the nine states that drew new House maps for 2026 (Alabama, California, Florida, Louisiana, North Carolina, Ohio, Tennessee, Texas and Utah), ZIP codes can’t be matched to the new districts yet, so it opens the state and says so instead of guessing.

A new page, Industry money (in the Beyond AIPAC menu), lists every member with the PAC money they got since 2016 from AIPAC and the other pro-Israel PACs and from each industry, with the totals; select a column to sort by it. Profiles now go straight from the money chart to the voting record: every money row, the money by election cycle and the source links are under “Show the full breakdown.” A button at the bottom of every page turns dark mode on (it stays off until you turn it on). No figure changed.

Each profile now opens its money section with a chart: the PAC money given to the campaign since 2016, by source, largest first: AIPAC and the other pro-Israel PACs (including donations AIPAC passed on as earmarks), each industry, weapons makers’ PACs and crypto and AI PACs. Ads that United Democracy Project and other super PACs ran to back a member are spent for them, not given to the campaign, so they are named under the chart instead of drawn in it. No figure changed.

A new page, Who has released their tax returns, lists the 22 Democrats on this site who have publicly released a federal income tax return for tax year 2018 or later, with each one’s most recent return: income by source and tax paid, as the return states them, and a link to the release. It also explains how to ask your member of Congress to release theirs. Members aren’t required to release returns, and nothing on the page comes from their financial disclosure reports.

Profiles now show, separately from the pro-Israel totals, what the PACs of seven industries gave each member’s campaign since 2016: drug makers, health insurers, oil and gas, gun makers and gun-rights groups, banks, finance and insurance, tobacco and vaping, and labor unions. Each shows its total and its five largest PACs. Which PACs count is listed in Appendix C2 of the methodology, and every PAC’s total for every member, with a link to the FEC’s list of the payments, is in the data download (industry_pacs.csv). None of it changes any pro-Israel figure.

Our October 12 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Vermont governor race from Likely R to Solid R, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings (Silver Bulletin moved it to Solid R). No other rating label changed.

The November page now opens with a state picker and the 22 Toss-up races; the other races to watch fold under one link, and every race is grouped under its state (Senate, governor and House together), so the page is about a fifth as long. Each forecaster’s name, there and on the map, now links to that forecaster’s own ratings page instead of the table we collect the ratings from. No rating changed.

Profiles now show the voting score, how it is calculated, contact details, where the money comes from and 2028 challengers even when JavaScript is off. The second score now names only the areas with at least two scored votes (for example “Trump nominees & Wall Street only”).

Illinois 3rd: Delia Ramirez’s share is 99.4% (was 100.0%): the official total counts 436 write-in votes. Illinois 2nd (scoreboard): Jesse Jackson Jr.’s share is 28.8% (was 28.9%), counting write-ins. Both from the Illinois State Board of Elections vote totals.

Race ratings re-read October 11, 2026: eight races’ forecaster ratings or dates updated (for example Iowa Senate: Silver Bulletin Lean D to Toss-up). No average rating changed.

When a tracked PAC sends a contribution through AIPAC PAC, we count it once, for the PAC that sent it. Since about December 2025 AIPAC PAC has recorded some of these gifts under the name of an officer of the sending PAC rather than the PAC’s name, so our pairing missed them and both lines were counted. Each recipient’s own report shows one receipt. Corrected (AIPAC PAC earmarked column, total and 2026 cycle): Wesley Bell $10,023,469 to $10,018,469 (To Protect Our Heritage PAC); Greg Landsman $1,201,934 to $1,196,934 (To Protect Our Heritage PAC); Jared Moskowitz $1,249,184 to $1,244,184 (Citizens Organized PAC); Kweisi Mfume $161,166 to $158,166 (To Protect Our Heritage PAC); Adam Smith $582,255 to $580,255 (Maryland Association for Concerned Citizens). The sending PAC’s own figure is unchanged. The methodology describes the rule, and our checks now stop a release when a line like this is left unpaired.

The incoming-class table on the 2026 page showed Chris Pappas at $28,938 for the 2026 cycle because it counted only his Senate candidate ID; his House ID uses the same campaign committee. It now shows $264,441, the same as his profile. Figures on the 2026 page now count every FEC ID a person holds.

Lines to joint fundraising committees are never added to a total but are listed on the profile under affiliated committees. Lines that carried no candidate ID were missing from that list. They are now listed when the candidate’s own campaign names the fund in its FEC registration: MACC’s $7,500 to the Jeffries Victory Fund (Hakeem Jeffries), Bi-County PAC’s $10,000 to the Amy Klobuchar Victory Committee (Amy Klobuchar) and NORPAC’s gifts to the Torres Victory Fund (Ritchie Torres). Totals are unchanged.

The 2026 nominee card for Michigan’s 13th said Rep. Shri Thanedar was backed by “$690K” via AIPAC PAC. The ledger gives $683,731 via AIPAC PAC ($684K); his profile total, which includes other PACs, is $691,731. Card dollar figures are now computed from the ledger. Also corrected: Illinois 7th, backing for Melissa Conyears-Ervin is shown as $4.97M (was $5.0M); California 14th, UDP spending against Aisha Wahab is shown as $1.64M (was “more than $1.6M”).

The Minnesota Senate card called Rep. Angie Craig “DMFI-backed” (DMFI PAC gave $17K; AIPAC PAC $602K), the New York 10th card called Rep. Dan Goldman “DMFI-endorsed” (we found no endorsement source; AIPAC PAC $383K), and the California 14th card called Melissa Hernandez “DMFI-backed” (DMFI PAC $5K; UDP $825K). They now say AIPAC PAC-backed, AIPAC PAC-backed and UDP-backed. On the 2026 page, the note for Jeremy Moss no longer says “DMFI-endorsed”; it says backed by DMFI PAC, which gave to his campaign. The About page and methodology now say earmarked contributions are counted for AIPAC PAC, NORPAC, DMFI PAC and Pro-Israel America PAC only; JACPAC, U.S. Israel PAC and the regional PACs count direct contributions only.

On October 9 we excluded a $52,250 NORPAC line from Marie Gluesenkamp Perez’s total pending confirmation. NORPAC’s own report confirms it: its donors earmarked exactly $52,250 for Sen. Ted Cruz, and the line was paid to the Ted Cruz Victory Committee; only its beneficiary field named her campaign. Her total is unchanged at $461,475, which still includes the $14,530 her own earmarked donors gave through NORPAC that month.

Some lines in PAC reports name one candidate’s committee in the recipient field but were paid to a different campaign; every counted line is now checked against the payee’s name. No longer counted (the money went to someone not tracked, or to a party committee): Al Green $3,500 to $0 (the payee was former Rep. Gene Green); Brad Sherman $1,072,832 to $1,070,832 (paid to Sen. Richard Burr’s committee); Tammy Baldwin $18,300 to $13,300 (paid to the Democratic Party of Wisconsin); Grace Meng $979,045 to $978,045; Jared Golden $981,003 to $980,003; Marie Gluesenkamp Perez $513,725 to $461,475 (a NORPAC earmark line whose payee is a Ted Cruz joint fundraising committee; we have excluded it pending confirmation). Credited to the campaign that received it (NORPAC earmarks): Josh Gottheimer $2,355,258 to $2,330,258 and Tim Kaine $11,000 to $36,000; Michael Bennet $223,802 to $183,802, Richard Blumenthal $268,082 to $288,082 and Ron Wyden $88,737 to $108,737; Dan Goldman $459,163 to $449,163 and Ruben Gallego $69,708 to $79,708. Leadership PACs: money to a member’s leadership PAC is shown separately and never added, as the methodology says; Katherine Clark’s total had included a $2,500 contribution to her leadership PAC ($718,270 to $715,770). Refunds: a JACPAC refund of an in-kind overage is now netted (Tammy Duckworth $124,660 to $124,607). Every line not counted is listed in the money ledger with its reason.

Our second October 9 re-read of the published race ratings changed five labels: Indiana 5th Solid R to Likely R; Michigan 4th Lean R to Toss-up; Nebraska 2nd Lean D to Likely D; Ohio governor Lean D to Toss-up; Virginia 1st Lean R to Toss-up. Sixteen other races had a forecaster change without a label change. The description of the Senate vote on Sen. Durbin’s FISA warrant amendment said Democrats and the independents who caucus with them split 24 yes, 23 no; with all three independents counted it was 24 yes, 24 no (Democrats 23–22, independents 1–2). No score changed. Primary results now cite the specific official results file for each contest.

The about page said votes are updated as they happen; the whole site is refreshed monthly, and corrections are published as they are made and listed here. The methodology page now describes the checks that run before every release (filed lines checked against our ledger in both directions, the FEC cross-check, official roll-call and results re-checks) instead of a list of dated audits, and explains how a gift a PAC sends through AIPAC PAC is counted once. Totals that include United Democracy Project ad spending now read “in backing from” AIPAC and allied PACs on the home page, the list, profiles and share-graphic captions. The November 2026 page no longer prints an empty clause about list sources, and the South Carolina Senate note now cites the governor’s July 13 appointment announcement. No figure changed.

New Jersey 8th: Aristotle Eliopoulos is on the ballot as an Independent (New Jersey Division of Elections candidate list of Sept. 4), so no Republican is shown for the race. Florida 24th: the Republican nominee’s name is Te Mayonna Brown, as on the Florida Division of Elections candidate list (was Tedora Brown). Every race on the November 2026 page now cites the state election office’s certified candidate list, canvass or results first; all 513 races were re-checked against those sources on Oct. 9 (broken Vermont and Wisconsin links fixed). Louisiana’s 3rd–6th districts now say how many Democrats and Republicans qualified for the Nov. 3 all-party primary and that no one is a party nominee yet; Idaho Senate: David Roth’s withdrawal is dated Sept. 1, 2026 (Idaho Secretary of State).

Money that a tracked PAC (Maryland Association for Concerned Citizens, To Protect Our Heritage PAC, Citizens Organized PAC, Heartland PAC, Mid Manhattan PAC, Friends of Israel PAC, Grand Canyon State Caucus, U.S. Israel PAC, NORPAC) sent to a candidate through AIPAC PAC was counted twice: once from the PAC’s own report and once from AIPAC PAC’s “Earmark of…” line. It is now counted once, for the PAC that gave it, with the recipient, date and cycle on AIPAC PAC’s line; the PAC’s own line stays in the money ledger marked as not counted, with the matching AIPAC PAC transaction named. AIPAC PAC’s earmarks of individuals are unchanged. Also corrected: earmarks that JACPAC and Grand Canyon State Caucus passed on for donors are no longer counted as the PAC’s own gifts; JACPAC’s $2,500 refund from Deborah Ross is netted; JACPAC’s $4,750 of November 2020 for the January 2021 Georgia runoff is in Raphael Warnock’s 2022 cycle, not 2020; To Protect Our Heritage PAC’s $5,000 that its report keyed to Sharice Davids’s committee reached Emilia Strong Sykes and is counted for her; NORPAC’s $500 keyed to Frank Pallone’s candidate ID went to another candidate’s committee. Totals changed for 45 people: Pete Aguilar $1,346,981 to $1,336,981; Patty Murray $255,685 to $245,685; Patrick Ryan $410,259 to $400,259; Shomari Figures $63,235 to $54,235; Glenn Ivey $3,050,751 to $3,042,301; Debbie Wasserman Schultz $1,536,357 to $1,528,357; Wesley Bell $10,029,469 to $10,023,469; Henry Cuellar $1,031,806 to $1,025,806; Valerie P. Foushee $2,876,845 to $2,871,845; Shri Thanedar $696,731 to $691,731; Sharice Davids $99,033 to $94,033; Robert Menendez $653,840 to $648,840; Jared Moskowitz $1,254,184 to $1,249,184; Jacky Rosen $2,063,265 to $2,058,265; Greg Landsman $1,206,934 to $1,201,934; Eric Sorensen $155,692 to $150,692; Daniel S. Goldman $464,163 to $459,163; Cory A. Booker $797,971 to $792,971; Josh Riley $216,858 to $212,858; Lucy McBath $856,316 to $852,816; Haley M. Stevens $15,776,143 to $15,772,643; Adriano Espaillat $363,616 to $360,116; Vicente Gonzalez $431,674 to $428,674; Josh Gottheimer $2,358,258 to $2,355,258; Gilbert Ray Cisneros, Jr. $92,379 to $89,379; Darren Soto $567,050 to $564,050; Hakeem S. Jeffries $1,434,591 to $1,432,091; Donald G. Davis $3,793,577 to $3,791,077; Deborah K. Ross $96,212 to $93,712; Susie Lee $907,089 to $905,089; Mike Levin $318,296 to $316,296; Margaret Wood Hassan $272,996 to $270,996; Laura Gillen $422,907 to $420,907; Kweisi Mfume $163,166 to $161,166; Jack Reed $287,268 to $285,268; Christopher A. Coons $529,979 to $527,979; Katherine M. Clark $719,770 to $718,270; James E. Clyburn $105,496 to $103,996; Timothy M. Kennedy $156,384 to $155,384; Tammy Duckworth $125,660 to $124,660; Sheldon Whitehouse $198,196 to $197,196; Chris Pappas $763,737 to $762,737; Norma J. Torres $506,751 to $506,251; Frank Pallone, Jr. $137,139 to $136,639; Elissa Slotkin $64,006 to $63,906. 16 more keep their total and only move money between AIPAC PAC and the other PACs’ columns or between cycles: Brad Sherman; Catherine Cortez Masto; Emilia Strong Sykes; Frank J. Mrvan; George Latimer; Grace Meng; Greg Stanton; Jared F. Golden; Kevin Mullin; Michael F. Bennet; Nikki Budzinski; Raphael G. Warnock; Ritchie Torres; Steny H. Hoyer; Steven Horsford; Ted Lieu.

Our October 9 re-read of the published race ratings moved the Vermont governor race from Solid R to Likely R, the average of the forecasters’ current ratings. No other rating changed.

The party-run firehouse primary in Virginia’s 11th district has no official count, so we removed the vote shares we had taken from the district Democrats’ unofficial results sheet. The 2026 primaries page now shows only that James Walkinshaw won the nomination, as called by the Associated Press.

The 2026-race section on members’ pages showed opponents’ pro-Israel PAC figures for all cycles since 2016; it now shows 2026-cycle figures, the same as the 2026 primaries page (for example, Cori Bush on Wesley Bell’s page: $2,457,792 spent against her in 2026, not $7,677,408 since 2016). Page titles and share images now say a member has “$X in backing from” AIPAC and allied PACs, because totals include UDP ad spending that never went to the candidate; governors’ pages say “no federal pro-Israel PAC money” instead of “no PAC money”. AIPAC’s earmarked donations are now described as “earmarked donations from AIPAC’s donors that it passed on”. The AIPAC scoreboard says 2025–26 primaries, since it includes the June 2025 Virginia 11th special primary. Candidate names on the Beyond AIPAC page are shown as proper names. No member’s total changed.

Illinois 2nd: Jesse Jackson Jr.’s share is 28.9% (24,321 of 84,296 votes), not 28.8%. Illinois 5th: Matthew Conroy’s share is 24.9% (was 25.0%) and Ellen Corley’s 7.3% (was 7.4%). Both from the Illinois State Board of Elections vote totals; the earlier figures were rounded in the wrong direction. Louisiana 2nd: Renada “Honey” Collins is on the Nov. 3 ballot as No Party, not as a Democrat (Louisiana Secretary of State candidate list). Also on the November 2026 page: minor-party candidates for Arizona governor and the 3rd and 4th districts are shown with the party on the Arizona Secretary of State’s filing list (Arizona Independent Party), and two Massachusetts candidates as Independent, as printed on the state’s sample ballots. Every November race now cites an official state source.

The homepage, 2026 primaries page and share graphics said AIPAC’s 2026 record covered primaries “where it ran ads”. It covers primaries where UDP, allied PACs or super PACs UDP funded spent $100,000 or more on ads; in half of them the spending came through UDP-funded super PACs. No result changed. Also reworded so each page says only what its data shows: the about page now says the largest totals and a rotating sample are re-checked row by row against FEC records each update (not every number); the data page says the money ledger has one row per earmarked contribution without donor names, and lists which data the spreadsheets cover; House members’ second score no longer mentions Trump nominees (only senators vote on nominations); the graphics page labels each state’s count as members backed, not tracked; and member pages no longer link to stock-trade report counts, which stay on the Beyond AIPAC page.

Dan Goldman (NY-10): JACPAC's $500 contribution of January 12, 2026 was counted as −$500, the amount in the FEC's processed data. JACPAC's report lists it as +$500, and the report's own totals, as filed and as the FEC summarizes them, add up only with +$500. It now counts as +$500: JACPAC $12,500 (was $11,500), $5,000 of it for 2026 (was $4,000), and his total rises by $1,000. No other member’s figure changed. The correction is listed on the methodology page.

Two sources in the 2028 filing-rules data ran two addresses together, so the links didn’t open: one of California’s, shown on the 2028 races page, and one of Pennsylvania’s, in the published filing_rules.json. Each address is now its own link. No date, deadline or figure changed. Also: member pages now carry their share links in the page itself, vacant seats on the map say so with the data date, and Share graphics and Embed are in the About menu.

Julie Johnson (TX-32): $56,644 from AIPAC PAC for her 2026 race ($5,000 direct and $51,644 earmarked, 39 contributions on AIPAC PAC’s reports) had been left out, because her campaign committee was later renamed and converted to a PAC and our method read that as money to a non-candidate committee. The FEC lists it as her principal campaign committee for 2026, so the money now counts: her total is $101,555 (was $44,911). No other member’s figure changed. Marc Veasey was shown as retiring; he lost the March 3 Democratic primary for Tarrant County Judge and is leaving the House. A 2028 Senate challenger in Pennsylvania whose only source was a fundraising directory is no longer listed until a filing or independent report confirms the campaign. In the downloads, the voting score columns are renamed voting_score, voting_score_areas and voting_limited_record (were aipac_voting_…), and the votes file’s scoring group aipac is now voting: AIPAC did not take a position on every scored vote. Also: delegates and Puerto Rico’s resident commissioner are labelled as such on the list page; the methodology page explains how scores are rounded; the 2026 page says its nominee list is our selection; the list page says its count includes members with sponsored trips only; the archived download for October 6 is now the file that was published that day.

Race ratings on the November page, the map, the 2026 nominee cards and member profiles were the Cook Political Report’s alone, copied by hand. They are now the average of up to seven nonpartisan forecasters (Cook, Sabato’s Crystal Ball, Inside Elections, Decision Desk HQ, Split Ticket, The Economist and Silver Bulletin), read automatically from Wikipedia’s ratings tables, with the range from the most Democratic to the most Republican rating; races to watch list each forecaster’s rating and date. 44 races show a different label than before and Vermont’s House seat, previously unrated, now has one (for example Michigan and New Hampshire Senate: Toss-up to Lean D; Texas Senate stays Toss-up, from Tilt R to Lean D). Corrections: Florida’s 2nd district had shown Likely R, which was Decision Desk HQ’s rating, not Cook’s (Solid R); Florida governor had shown Likely R where Cook had Lean R; several Minnesota and Wisconsin House ratings carried the wrong year. Ratings are now re-read at least weekly before we publish.

Randy Villegas (CA-22): the $500,000 spent against him before the primary was DMFI PAC’s, not United Democracy Project’s (FEC filing 1985835). Page titles and share text for 44 people said their backing was “from AIPAC” although none of it came from AIPAC’s PAC or UDP; they now say “from other pro-Israel PACs”, and titles where UDP ads are most of the money say so. Andy Beshear and Abigail Spanberger are term-limited and can’t run in their states’ next governor’s race; their profiles had shown them as next up in 2027 and 2029. Puerto Rico’s Resident Commissioner serves a four-year term (next election 2028, not 2026). Also: every 2026 nominee card that describes a primary result now links the official result behind it, several cards’ descriptions were tightened to what their sources say (Angela Gonzales-Torres has not run against Rep. Gomez before), governors’ profiles link the state campaign-finance records their donor figures come from, and Sen. Michael Bennet’s profile shows his certified Colorado governor primary result.

Profiles of members whose seat was up in 2026 now have a 2026 race section: everyone who was on their primary ballot, with votes and share from the certified or official state results (linked), runoffs as a second round, and who they face on November 3. It sits next to the 2028 challengers. Primary challengers get a link to their campaign site and FEC filing, not a Donate button, since that race is over. A few results are still being checked against official records that state sites don’t serve to automated tools (some New York, Arizona and Louisiana seats) and will appear once checked. How it’s sourced.

A new audit rebuilt 16 people’s figures line by line from FEC filings. 15 matched to the cent, but three totals were short, because a few PAC filings name the campaign without its FEC committee ID, or with a wrong one. Brad Sherman: Desert Caucus gave $5,000 for each of the 2022 primary and general (filed to “Brad Sherman for Congress” with no ID); his total is now $1,072,832. Lois Frankel: three $5,000 Desert Caucus gifts (2020 and 2022 cycles) filed under an old committee ID; her total is now $872,449. Angie Craig: Heartland PAC’s $2,500 to her 2016 House campaign, filed under another committee’s ID; her total is now $693,116. The build now stops if any such line names someone on this site, and the FEC cross-check searches by payee name too. Also: page titles and link previews rounded small totals to the nearest thousand, so some read higher than the page (Becca Balint’s $1,500 showed as “$2K”). Short figures are now exact under $10,000 and within 0.5% above it; 30 titles changed by more than 1%.

Every 2026 primary result now links the state’s official results first (county canvasses for the Texas runoffs; Virginia’s 11th was a party-run primary, so it cites the party’s own count and says it is unofficial). Re-checking them changed two figures: Illinois 2nd, Jackson 28.8% (we had 28.9%); Virginia 11th, Walkinshaw 59.7% and Shin 14.2% (we had about 60% and about 14%). Michigan’s 13th now says “official results” rather than “certified”. Thirteen Senate votes are now described as what was voted on (a motion to discharge, to table, to concur, or to end debate on taking up a bill) rather than as votes on the measure itself; how each is scored is unchanged. November race ratings now link the page they were read from. House members’ pages now say they are up in 2026 and 2028, and the Vermont and Maine pages mark Sanders and King as independents.

A new automatic check now compares each month’s figures with the FEC’s own records before anything is published. Its first run found two things. Refunds: when a campaign returns a contribution, the PAC reports it on its own filings, and we weren’t subtracting those refunds for AIPAC PAC, DMFI PAC, NORPAC and Pro-Israel America PAC (we were for the other PACs). Twelve totals go down, by $200 to $30,000 (net −$64,000). The largest: Pat Ryan’s campaign returned $25,000 to AIPAC PAC and $5,000 to DMFI PAC in July 2026, so his total is now $410,259. Also lower: Haley Stevens, Dan Goldman, Seth Moulton, Angie Craig, Sarah Elfreth, Jim Himes, John Larson, Chuck Schumer, Hakeem Jeffries, Shontel Brown and Richard Blumenthal. Spending against: DMFI PAC’s $424,945 in 2020 ads against Sara Jacobs was filed under a candidate ID the FEC doesn’t recognize, so it was missing from her page; it now shows as spending against her (it never counts toward totals).

Correction: the homepage’s top 10, as written into the page (what search engines and visitors without JavaScript see), still showed four totals from before today’s money corrections (Wesley Bell, George Latimer, Glenn Ivey, Josh Gottheimer); the build now fails if that list falls out of step with the data. 2028 challengers with no FEC registration keep their listing (“No FEC filings yet”) but no longer get Donate or Volunteer buttons, since nothing yet shows the tracked PACs haven’t backed them; this removes Rachel Nelson’s Donate button. The homepage finder now shows every member’s backing and score, governors, vacant seats (Florida’s 20th and Texas’s 23rd districts) and every district in a split ZIP. The map shows Rep. Kevin Kiley (independent since March) in the independent color in the 2028 view, lists the two vacant seats, and labels Democratic-backed independents. The full list no longer links to five profile pages that don’t exist, and search or filter choices made while it loads now apply. The 2028 tables fit the screen. The November page explains top-two, runoff, ranked-choice and all-party races, including why Louisiana’s House races are on one all-party ballot. The 2026 share image includes the mixed result.

A second full audit rebuilt every contribution from JACPAC, U.S. Israel PAC and the 11 regional pro-Israel PACs from the FEC’s itemized records. The FEC’s bulk file we used for these PACs leaves some contributions out, and on a few rows the candidate ID points to the wrong person. We now add every itemized contribution the bulk file misses, and credit each one to the candidate whose campaign committee received it. 38 people’s totals changed, by $1,000 to $16,450 each (net +$98,860). Jared Huffman was listed as not backed; JACPAC gave his campaign $1,500 on Feb 28, 2025, so he now shows $1,500. Sara Jacobs shows $5,000, not $1,000. Glenn Ivey gains $16,450 from four regional PACs. Four totals went down because a contribution had been credited to the wrong member: $5,000 that went to Raphael Warnock had been credited to Mark Warner; contributions to Jennifer Wexton, Rob Quist and Brittany Pettersen had been credited to Dina Titus, Mike Quigley and Lauren Underwood. Every change is in the downloadable ledger with its FEC filing. November page: it said it listed every Democrat on the ballot but left out 18 Democrats and Democratic-backed candidates in its own data (second Democrats in California’s top-two races, Louisiana’s all-party House races, Idaho’s Todd Achilles and others). Every candidate we have on file is now shown, including independent and minor-party candidates from Ballotpedia’s lists. Cook rating dates on the 2026 page’s nominee cards were typed by hand and disagreed with the November page (e.g. Minnesota Senate); both now come from the same data, and the date shows under each rating. Wording: the “Does my rep” page and two candidate descriptions now follow our “backed” wording; the homepage description no longer implies every sitting Democrat is backed (52 aren’t); the press page says the ledger adds up to each total within $1.

The November page now says plainly that its Donate and Volunteer buttons are for 19 nominees we chose (none backed by the tracked PACs), the same people as on the 2026 page; most unbacked nominees have no buttons. Stock-trade report counts are no longer in the data files that member pages load (they stay on the Beyond AIPAC page and in the downloads). Pages no longer jump on phones while the menu loads, and the map no longer shifts as it loads. Reduced-motion settings are respected, contact-form errors are tied to the field, link names include the candidate’s name for screen readers, and every share graphic has a description. The contact form’s limits are now per visitor and per network, so one person can no longer close it for everyone. Footers show one “Data last updated” date, set in one place.

We re-checked every scored vote against the official House and Senate roll calls (no errors), rebuilt a sample of members’ totals from the FEC’s own records (all matched), and checked the 2026 primary results against certified counts. Fixed: Abdul El-Sayed’s share in the Michigan Senate primary is 48.4%, not 48.5% (certified: 744,952 of 1,537,628 votes). The note on Annie Andrews’s South Carolina Senate race now names the incumbent, Sen. Darline Graham, appointed in July after Sen. Lindsey Graham died. Cook rating dates: Texas 15th moved to Toss-up on Sep 25, not Sep 29; Texas 35th’s rating date is 2026, not 2025; two nominee cards gave the primary date or a month with no rating change as Cook’s date. The November page now explains that a rating’s date is when Cook last changed or confirmed it. Wording: members and candidates are described as “backed” by these groups throughout (a few places still said someone “took” money); 2028 challengers with no FEC filings yet are marked “No FEC filings yet” instead of “Takes no pro-Israel PAC money,” since there is nothing to check; the profile labels for co-sponsored bills now describe what the bills do, and the About page links a source for each bill AIPAC backed. The About page no longer says Senate stock trading isn’t covered (Senate report counts are on Beyond AIPAC).

Fonts and member photos are now served from this site, so opening a page no longer contacts Google or GitHub. Donor-network counts under 5 were already shown as “fewer than 5” on the pages and in the CSV downloads; the per-person JSON files now mask them too. The data and text are now under a named license, CC BY 4.0. See Privacy. Also: pages load faster, work better on phones (the November tables no longer scroll sideways) and with screen readers, and the build now checks every page against its data before anything is published.

Map: one click now selects a district (it used to select only the state); clicking empty space no longer zooms out; vacant seats (FL-20, TX-23) are marked and in the legend; Ohio’s new 2026 district lines are drawn (from the state’s GIS office); state borders in the November view follow the 2026 lines; links to state pages and profiles that don’t exist were removed; all-party races in Louisiana and top-two races no longer say “No Republican on the ballot”; minor-party badges no longer use the Democratic or Republican colors; DC has a marker you can click. The scorecard and Beyond AIPAC vote tables are now in the page itself. The homepage vote teaser could briefly show 19 instead of 35, and the 2026 teaser left out the mixed result; both fixed. Beyond AIPAC and the “Does my rep” description now describe the 264 accurately.

New November 2026 page listing every House, Senate and governor race on the November 3 ballot (513 races): the Democrat, the Republican, who holds the seat now and the Cook Political Report rating with its date, competitive races first. We want progressive challengers in primaries, and the Democrat to beat the Republican in November. Democratic nominees link to their campaigns; Donate and Volunteer buttons appear only for nominees the tracked PACs haven’t backed, and each state’s Democratic party is linked. Candidates come from state election offices where we could read them, otherwise from news reports and Ballotpedia, and dramatic changes (deaths, withdrawals, replacement nominees) were confirmed in news coverage. New map of every congressional district: who holds each seat and their PAC backing, the November races (using the new 2026 district lines in states that redrew them), and the 2028 primaries.

The homepage and press page said “211 of 264 Democrats in Congress.” The 264 includes the two independents who caucus with Democrats (Bernie Sanders and Angus King) and the non-voting delegates, so it now reads “211 of the 264 members of Congress we track (Democrats, the two independents who caucus with them, and delegates).” The scorecard page’s description still said 32 votes after three were added on Oct 2; it now says 35 and updates automatically.

Member profiles, the full list, the not-backed list, the 2026 primaries page and the Beyond AIPAC page now carry their numbers in the page itself rather than only after the browser runs scripts. The homepage now says where the project stands (backed Democrats should face progressive primary challengers in 2028; every Democrat should beat their Republican in November) and that it is independent, with one clear next step. The homepage loads a small file instead of the full data. The contact form works without JavaScript. Phones get a menu button. Member pages also open without the .html ending.

The change log moved from the About page to this page. California’s state campaign-finance data, which was unavailable on Oct 2, was re-downloaded and re-checked; Gavin Newsom’s figures are unchanged.

Added the July 2026 Massie amendment barring funds for Israel in the FY2027 State Department bill (H119-603; Democrats split 103 yes, 98 no, 10 present), the Senate’s April 2024 amendment requiring warrants for FISA searches of Americans (S118-500; 24 yes, 23 no), and the December 2023 House resolution condemning university presidents’ testimony on campus antisemitism (H118-716; 84 yes, 125 no). Each was checked against the official roll call. The Senate vote gives senators who served in 2024 a second civil-liberties vote, so that category now counts toward their score. Before, their scores rested on Israel votes and two war-powers votes on which nearly every Democrat voted alike. As a result many senators’ scores changed: for example Chuck Schumer and Jacky Rosen 54% to 36%, Brian Schatz 96% to 64%, Cory Booker and Ron Wyden 62% to 75%. In all, 209 scores changed: 158 by 5 points or less and 30 by 10 or more, mostly senators. The methodology now lists close votes that were left out and why, and notes that Senate and House scores are not directly comparable. The list’s sort option “Worst voting record first” is now “Lowest voting score first.”

The homepage and press page now break down the $93.4 million: about $54.7 million is members’ donations that AIPAC PAC passed on (earmarked), $36.0 million is UDP ad spending, and $2.7 million was given by the PAC itself. They also say plainly that the totals cover Democrats in office now and are not AIPAC’s total election spending. The count now reads 211 of 264 Democrats in Congress plus 2 governors, instead of 213 “sitting Democrats.” Indirect spending by a super PAC that got only a small share of its money (under 15%) from UDP is now labelled that way (314 Action Fund, 11%).

The 10% rule for super PACs funded by UDP now also applies to those funded by DMFI PAC, checked against FEC filings: United for Progress (33% from DMFI PAC) spent $555,574 backing Adriano Espaillat, and New Yorkers Fighting Back (18%) spent $126,026 backing Dan Goldman and $189,039 against Brad Lander. This is shown on Espaillat’s and Goldman’s profiles as indirect and never added to totals; the 2026 scoreboard is unchanged. Race notes for Illinois’s 8th and 9th now describe Chicago Progressive Partnership, which got 49% of its money from the UDP-funded Elect Chicago Women.

A check of members shown at $0 found that the download of NORPAC’s older reports stopped at the first 100 of 125, leaving out its January–September 2015 reports (2016 cycle). With them included: Chuck Schumer +$89,600, Michael Bennet +$60,000, Patty Murray +$25,000, Richard Blumenthal +$24,900, Steny Hoyer +$20,000, and Mike Thompson +$1,000 (previously $0). The download now follows every page of results.

Fixes: contributions to a member’s committee that later became a leadership PAC were being missed (Julie Johnson’s total is now $44,911, Bonnie Watson Coleman’s $5,000); Shri Thanedar’s own contributions to his campaign had been counted in his donor-network figure (now $396,712, down from $1.6 million); and processor memo copies had been counted as receipts when measuring how much of a super PAC’s money came from UDP. With that corrected, 314 Action Fund got 11% of its 2024 receipts from UDP, over the 10% line, so its 2024 spending for Maxine Dexter, Janelle Bynum and Herb Conaway is now shown as indirect (it is never added to totals). Also, older NORPAC contributions that named only the recipient committee are now credited when the committee name identifies exactly one candidate (Brad Sherman +$10,000, Angie Craig +$2,700), Deborah Ross’s 2016 Senate campaign is now included (+$5,500), and two recipient committees missing from the FEC’s committee files were identified from their FEC pages (Rob Menendez +$30,398, Juan Vargas +$2,000). The remaining contributions that name no candidate went to party committees, joint fundraising committees, leadership PACs and other super PACs, which the site doesn’t count by design. The 2026 scoreboard is unchanged.

A few filed independent expenditures with a blank date field had been skipped; they now count by their payment date. This added $1,690 in DMFI PAC spending supporting Adam Schiff (total now $431,980) and $1.28 million in Protect Progress (crypto super PAC) spending supporting Daniel Helmer on the Beyond AIPAC page. House stock-trade value ranges split across a PDF page break had lost their upper end; they now use the reporting range’s upper bound. 40 randomly chosen lines of the transaction ledger were checked against the FEC and all matched.

Virginia House candidates file with the chair of the party’s congressional district committee, not the State Board of Elections (Va. Code § 24.2-522(B)); only U.S. Senate and statewide candidates file with the State Board. The Run page now says so. A second check of every state’s rules against statutes and official guides corrected or clarified North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, California, Indiana (wrong phone number), Missouri (the filing fee is paid to the state party, not the Secretary of State), Utah, Alaska, Hawaii, Idaho, Kansas, Maine, Maryland and Wisconsin. Checks against official records. Votes: all 53 scored votes and every Democrat’s recorded vote were re-checked against the House Clerk and Senate roll calls; one title was wrong (the April 2025 Senate vote on S.J.Res. 26 was about a $6.75 billion bomb and guidance-kit sale, not bulldozers) and two April 2026 votes now have distinct titles. Races: results re-checked; Texas 29th shares corrected. Statuses: Stacey Plaskett is now the Virgin Islands’ Democratic nominee for governor; Michael Bennet lost the Colorado governor primary and remains in the Senate. Trips: all 119 trips were re-checked against their filings (traveler, sponsor, dates and cost); six dates were corrected, and Senate trips for 2017–2021 were added from archived copies of the official forms (Tina Smith, March 2019). Pages: the 2028 page now shows spending against each member, and profiles split AIPAC PAC money into members’ donations it passed on and the PAC’s own contributions. No totals or scores changed.

Races used to be included when the tracked groups backed or opposed a candidate and news coverage reported their spending. That mixed two kinds of race and left some out. The scoreboard now counts every contested 2025–26 Democratic primary where these groups spent $100,000 or more on ads for or against a candidate, directly or through super PACs UDP funded, which anyone can check against FEC filings. Six races where they only gave contributions (New York 10th, Michigan 13th, Colorado 1st, Minnesota Senate, New Hampshire 1st, New Jersey 12th) are now listed separately and not scored. Four qualifying races were added: Arizona 1st, Texas 29th, California 41st and the June 2025 Virginia 11th special. The record changed from “lost 12, won 7, 1 mixed” (20 races) to “won 9, lost 8, 1 mixed” (18 races).

Run for office: the 2028 ballot-access guidance for every state was re-checked against official sources and rewritten. Errors fixed: Kansas and Alabama wrongly suggested no U.S. Senate race in 2028 (both have one); Virginia gave the wrong filing office for House candidates (it is the State Board of Elections); Florida and New York carried 2026-only rules into 2028; Georgia cited the wrong statute for the pauper’s petition; Oklahoma applied a party-registration rule that covers only state and county offices. Each state now lists what isn’t confirmed yet. Scores: a score that covers only some areas now says so wherever it appears (for example “war powers only”). Directory: the label under each amount now follows the “AIPAC + UDP only” filter. Data: every download has a person_id for joining; a new transaction ledger lists every FEC line behind the totals; earlier releases are kept. Graphics and embeds now state the 2016–2026 cycle window. No dollar totals or scores changed.

Data from FEC filings through August 31, 2026, and roll-call votes through September 2026.